¿Cuál es el título de un alcalde medieval?

¿Cuál es el título de un alcalde medieval?

En la era medieval / renacentista, ¿cuál es el título de una persona que dirige una ciudad en el reino de su rey? Como si no fuera el rey, pero le sirve dirigiendo la ciudad. Creo que se les podría llamar canciller, pero no estoy seguro.


Las ciudades y pueblos autorizados, con su propio autogobierno, eran bastante raros hasta finales del período medieval. Las excepciones notables fueron:

  • Ciudades-estado italianas como Venecia: administradas por el dux electo.
  • Liga Hanseática ciudades imperiales libres: administrado por un burgomaestre electo (y títulos afines específicos del idioma / dialecto)
  • Londres: administrado por un alcalde electo

En el territorio de gran parte de la Alemania moderna, así como en los Países Bajos, el original ducados de tallo del Sacro Imperio Romano Germánico se dividió rápidamente en una miríada de pequeños Estados soberanos, más comparable en tamaño a las ciudades-estado. Por ejemplo, la ciudad de Lieja en la Bélgica moderna fue un príncipe-obispado de 985 E.C. administrado por un obispo designado (que también administraba la Diócesis de Lieja, separada y más grande).

En la Inglaterra pre-normanda, los pueblos y ciudades (distintos de Londres) eran administrados por un Reeve, el pueblo-reeve, designado de diversas formas por el conde de la Comarca o elegido según la costumbre local. La función principal de estos primeros Reeves era implementar las decisiones del tribunal para cada diezmo, centenar, ciudad y condado (el shire-reeve o alguacil).

En España, el magistrado jefe y administrador de ciudades y pueblos era un Alcalde

Tenga en cuenta que los poderes, responsabilidades y autoridades de estos funcionarios variarían, a menudo considerablemente, de una ciudad a otra, aunque normalmente habría puntos en común entre ciudades y pueblos dentro de una sola soberanía.


Si se pregunta cuál es la forma adecuada de dirigirse a un alcalde, se puede esperar una gran variación por país y época. La práctica tradicional del inglés ha sido:

  • Forma verbal de la dirección: Your Worship
  • Forma escrita de la dirección: Su Adoración John Smith, Alcalde de Jonestown
  • Saludo: Estimado señor

Esto va a ser breve, puede usar enlaces para leer más.

Primero, sobre títulos hereditarios en un sistema feudal:

  • Rey reina.
  • Príncipe princesa.
  • Duque, duquesa.
  • Marqués, marquesa.
  • Conde, condesa.
  • Vizconde, vizcondesa.
  • Barón, baronesa.

En segundo lugar, no es probable que sea canciller, porque proviene del latín cancellarii, que significó secretarios de la corte durante el período romano. Más tarde, durante el período europeo medieval (e incluso Dinastía Tang de China), los títulos de canciller y similares eran esencialmente funcionarios gubernamentales de alto rango (algo así como "secretario en jefe" o "jefe de departamento").

Esto es una convención, no se aplica estrictamente, y mucho depende del período y la ubicación. Por ejemplo, en la política británica moderna, el término "El canciller"por lo general se refiere a Ministro de Hacienda (Ministro de Finanzas), y Lord Canciller es Lord Alto Canciller de Gran Bretaña (Ministro encargado de los tribunales).

Finalmente, creo que el título es Virrey, como en Virrey de la india. Esto generalmente requiere, en la convención política británica, una ley del Parlamento (ley hecha por legisladores) antes de que se pueda conferir el título (es decir, no hereditario, por lo tanto, no se puede hacer valer a menos que lo disponga el Parlamento).

Sin embargo, este no es un título para el período medieval porque, durante ese tiempo, cualquier pueblo / ciudad estaría bajo el control / mando de la nobleza (ver punto 1, en títulos hereditarios). Y a lo sumo, el "alcalde"de la ciudad estaría sirviendo a un duque, no al rey.

NOTA: Por favor vea el comentario de TheHonRose debajo. El concepto de títulos y responsabilidades, con asistente responsabilidad, puede volverse complicado muy rápido (y terminar con legalidad). Estaba / estoy tratando de evitar esto. Por lo tanto, mi respuesta anterior claramente no es cierta para todo el período y la ubicación. (Estaba tratando de evitar una respuesta demasiado específica dada la amplia pregunta.)


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Contenido

Los grupos de historia viva orientados al período medieval y los recreadores se centran en recrear la vida civil o militar en el período de la Edad Media. Es muy popular en Europa del Este. El objetivo del recreador y su grupo es retratar una interpretación precisa de una persona que de manera creíble podría existir en un lugar específico en un momento específico y, al mismo tiempo, permanecer accesible al público. Ejemplos de actividades de historia viva incluyen campamentos auténticos, cocinar, practicar habilidades y oficios históricos y tocar instrumentos musicales históricos o juegos de mesa.

Los participantes de Renaissance Fair generalmente toman prestado de una variedad de historia y, a menudo, incorporan elementos de fantasía o inspirados en Hollywood en una presentación para entretenimiento público. Por el contrario, las actividades de la Sociedad para el Anacronismo Creativo (SCA) incluyen de todo, desde disfraces artísticos para artículos modernos como hieleras, hasta investigaciones exhaustivas y eventos auténticos de la historia viva.

El objetivo principal de este tipo de recreación es recrear batallas históricas o métodos de combate. Las variaciones van desde el entrenamiento de prácticas históricas de duelo (generalmente con una espada de época apropiada, como una espada armada o estoque y la lucha como arte marcial), hasta la recreación de batallas históricas o legendarias del período medieval.

Algunos grupos que tratan el combate histórico como un arte marcial no se ajustan a la definición tradicional de un grupo de recreación y son más similares a los clubes de esgrima. Un ejemplo es el SCA, que utiliza espadas de ratán para evitar lesiones. Otros combinan el deporte con formas más tradicionales de recreación, como la historia viva. Es habitual pelear usando áreas objetivo más restringidas que en una pelea real y con menos velocidad y fuerza, aunque algunos sistemas intentan acercarse lo más posible al combate real. Muchas sociedades intentan recrear batallas reales en el lugar de la batalla o cerca de él. Estos eventos generalmente están abiertos al público para verlos. Otras sociedades como la SCA alquilan espacios para eventos privados, incluido el combate, sin presencia pública.

La Federación de las Guerras de las Rosas es una sociedad británica que se especializa en recreaciones del siglo XV. Organiza eventos en sitios históricos de toda Gran Bretaña, incluidos aquellos en o cerca de sitios de batalla reales. Hay reglas sobre armas, vestimenta y armaduras que son observadas por los Hogares que son miembros de la Federación. Los nuevos hogares que desean ingresar a la Federación son patrocinados por los establecidos y pasan un período de prueba para garantizar que se cumplan los estándares.

Ha habido muchos ejemplos aislados de recreación medieval en Europa, en particular el Torneo Eglinton de 1839. En los tiempos modernos, la recreación medieval ha sido popular en el Reino Unido, comenzando a fines de la década de 1960 y creciendo cada año desde entonces, con grupos de toda Inglaterra. , Escocia, Irlanda y Gales participando en eventos. Muchas batallas del Reino Unido se recrean en sus sitios de batalla originales por entusiastas con un alto grado de autenticidad, junto con comerciantes, músicos y proveedores de catering medievales. Los recreadores del Reino Unido se pueden ver en todo el país durante los meses de verano en batallas, ferias, carnavales, fiestas, pubs y escuelas. Casi en su totalidad en todo el Reino Unido, los recreadores usan armas de acero desafiladas para las recreaciones y flechas con punta de goma (contundentes) para los arqueros, o cabezas de acero cuando disparan al blanco. El evento medieval temprano más grande en el Reino Unido es la recreación de la Batalla de Hastings, que en 2006 tuvo más de 3600 participantes registrados y combinó la historia viva y la recreación de combate. La mayoría de las batallas del Reino Unido se han recreado en algún momento, como la Batalla de Lewes y la Batalla de Evesham, muchas batallas históricas se recrean anualmente de períodos como las Guerras de las Rosas, incluida la Batalla de Bosworth Field y la Batalla de Tewkesbury. Otros se llevan a cabo a intervalos irregulares dependiendo de la disponibilidad del sitio y la financiación del evento, como la Batalla de Bannockburn.

Bélgica tiene al menos dos docenas de grupos separados de recreadores medievales, incluida la Orden de los Hagelanders, la Gentsche Ghesellen y la Casa Gruuthuse que sirven a Lewis de Bruges, señor de Gruuthuse. [1]

El museo al aire libre Middelaldercentret utiliza la historia viva y la recreación histórica para retratar una parte de una pequeña ciudad mercantil danesa. Existen varios grupos de recreación en Dinamarca que están haciendo recreaciones medievales en los mercados de todo el país.

En Francia hay una recreación anual de la Batalla de Agincourt que representa una batalla de la Guerra de los Cien Años.

En Alemania, la recreación medieval generalmente se asocia con la historia viva y las ferias y festivales renacentistas como, por ejemplo, la fiesta de San Pedro y San Pablo en Bretten. [2] o el torneo de caballeros Schloss Kaltenberg. [3] En los últimos años, la recreación de combate también ha ganado algo de terreno. Algunos grupos están entrenando combates históricos, como duelos con espadas largas y peleas con sacos dussack en las universidades, pero la mayoría de los grupos de recreación de combate son grupos de recreación del campo de batalla, algunos de los cuales se han aislado hasta cierto punto debido a un fuerte enfoque en la autenticidad (algunos grupos se niegan a grupos de lucha que representan períodos diferentes o más amplios, incluso si las prácticas de combate serían totalmente compatibles de otro modo). En general, el enfoque alemán específico de la autenticidad (recreación) se trata menos de reproducir un evento determinado, sino de permitir una inmersión en una época determinada. Los festivales y eventos históricos de la ciudad son muy importantes para construir comunidades locales y contribuir a la autoimagen de los municipios. [4] Los eventos en monumentos o en sitios históricos tienen menos que ver con los eventos relacionados con ellos, sino más bien como personal para la experiencia de inmersión. [5]

Entre muchos recreadores del campo de batalla en Alemania, el Codex Belli se ha convertido en un estándar de facto.

Se rumorea que grupos de Europa Central, especialmente Hungría, [ cita necesaria ] para practicar formas mucho más peligrosas de recreación del campo de batalla, a veces con bordes y puntas afilados, así como puntas de flecha de metal y una mayor aceptación general del riesgo de lesiones que plantean estos peligros. Esta forma de recreación más arriesgada, aunque más realista, aparentemente también se practica en la antigua Alemania Oriental.

En Polonia, la recreación de la Batalla de Grunwald cada año el 15 de julio es la más conocida y atrae a participantes y visitantes de muchos otros países. Se asocia con historia viva y feria medieval.

En Suecia hay muchos "mercados medievales" diferentes. El más grande es el de Gotland. [1] En Szeklerland, Transilvania hay muchos grupos y campamentos de recreación de húngaros, húngaros y húsares. Uno de ellos es el grupo de recreación de los caballeros Szekler (Lofos) en Torboszlo.


¿Tijeras o espada? El simbolismo de un corte de pelo medieval

Simon Coates explora los significados simbólicos asociados al cabello en el Occidente medieval temprano, y cómo sirvió para denotar diferencias de edad, sexo, etnia y estatus.

Mientras residía en París en el siglo VI, la reina Clotild, viuda del gobernante merovingio Clovis, se convirtió en el sujeto involuntario de la conspiración empedernida de sus hijos, Lothar y Childebert, que estaban celosos de la tutela de sus nietos, los hijos de sus hijos. hermano, Chlodomer. Childebert difundió el rumor de que él y su hermano iban a planificar la coronación de los jóvenes príncipes y envió un mensaje a Clotild en ese sentido. Cuando los niños fueron enviados a sus tíos, los apresaron y los separaron de su hogar. Lothar y Childebert luego enviaron a su secuaz Arcadius a la Reina con un par de tijeras en una mano y una espada en la otra.

Le ofreció un ultimátum a la reina. ¿Desearía ver a sus nietos vivir con el pelo corto o preferiría verlos asesinados? Aparte de su dolor, Clotild declaró que si no iban a tener éxito en el trono, preferiría verlos muertos que con el pelo corto. Rechazando las tijeras, optó por la espada. La secuela de esta historia, contada por Gregorio de Tours (m. 594), revela una alternativa a la muerte o al deshonor del pelo corto. Un tercer nieto, Chlodovald, estaba bien protegido y escapó de sus tíos. Buscando escapar del destino de sus hermanos, se cortó el pelo con sus propias manos y se convirtió en sacerdote. La tonsura voluntaria no conllevaba la ignominia de la esquila bajo coacción.

Para una audiencia del siglo XX, esta historia parece extraña. ¿Por qué debería una reina elegir que maten a sus nietos en lugar de someterlos a un corte de pelo? En el mundo de la Galia merovingia, sin embargo, la historia tuvo una potente resonancia y el cabello en sí era de suma importancia. Los reyes merovingios, que se habían establecido en las ruinas de la Galia romana, eran conocidos como los Reges criniti, los reyes de pelo largo. Para ellos, su cabello largo simbolizaba no solo su estatus aristocrático sino también su estatus como reyes. Estaba investido con una cualidad sacra y se creía que contenía propiedades mágicas. El poeta e historiador bizantino Agathias (c.532-c.582) había escrito:

La regla para los reyes francos es no cortarse nunca el pelo desde la niñez en adelante, y les cuelga en abundancia sobre los hombros. a sus súbditos se les corta el pelo por todos lados y no se les permite dejarlo crecer más.

El ultimátum ofrecido por Lothar y Childebert llegó directamente al corazón de la alta política merovingia. Lo que estaban diciendo efectivamente era '¿Desea vivir de manera no regia o morir?'. Decididos a comprometer los derechos de sus sobrinos a gobernar, utilizaron las tijeras como un potente arma simbólica. En la Galia del siglo VI, un corte de pelo significaba coerción política y exclusión social. Si le quitabas el pelo largo a un rey, quitabas sus derechos a la realeza misma.

El obituario de los reyes de pelo largo se inscribió en la historia de la familia que los suplantó en 751, los carolingios. Según Einhard, biógrafo del carolingio más famoso, Carlomagno, los merovingios posteriores fueron rois fainiants, reyes decadentes y que no hacen nada, cuyo poder había sido efectivamente suplantado por la dinastía carolingia en la forma de Alcaldes de Palacio. El último merovingio, Childeric III, era rey solo de nombre y pelo, reducido a viajar por su reino en una carreta tirada por bueyes. Las tijeras volvieron a salir. Los carolingios, con respaldo papal, le cortaron el cabello a Childeric y lo encarcelaron en un monasterio. También desacralizaron eficazmente la importancia del cabello. La cabeza de Carlomagno y su derecho a gobernar, se distinguió no por su cabello sino por su coronación y unción de la mano del Papa. El aceite santo, no el cabello santo, hizo rey.

Además, los carolingios se enorgullecían de ser descendientes de un santo que no había sido sometido al ritual de la tonsura forzada. Gertrude, la hija de un noble franco de alto rango, Pippin, iba a casarse en beneficio de la familia. Sin embargo, Pippin murió antes de que pudiera hacer cumplir su voluntad y llevar a cabo su plan, dejando a Gertrude a cargo de su madre, Itta. Adquiriendo el apoyo de un hombre santo, Amandus, madre e hija decidieron fundar un convento en Nivelles y, 'para que los violadores de las almas no arrastraran a su hija por la fuerza a los placeres ilícitos del mundo', la madre de Gertrudis, ' agarró unas tijeras de hierro y cortó el cabello de su hija en forma de corona ”. Gertrudis era la tía abuela del alcalde carolingio del palacio, Charles Martel, y se convirtió en patrona de la casa carolingia. Los reyes de pelo largo fueron depuestos por una familia que cultivó el culto de una monja tonsurada. Mientras que la tonsura forzada se percibía como una vergüenza, el corte de cabello de acuerdo con un voto podía considerarse meritorio.

El cabello pudo tener tales significados simbólicos porque es una parte del cuerpo que se puede cambiar fácilmente: se puede teñir, moldear, llevar suelto, atar o quitar. Además, dado que rodea la parte más expresiva del cuerpo, el rostro, cualquier cambio que se le haga es inherentemente visible y perceptible. Una vez que se prescribieron reglas sobre su significado, función y tratamiento, adquirió una resonancia particular según la forma en que se entendiera en las comunidades locales. Estos significados estaban, por supuesto, muy contextualizados. Un monje en espera de la tonsura reconocería que la presencia de unas tijeras marcó el punto en el que cumplió su voto de dejar atrás el mundo secular y convertirse en siervo de Dios. A menos que el monje no estuviera seguro de su vocación, es poco probable que esto le provoque pánico. Sin embargo, la situación parecería muy diferente para un rey merovingio.

La relación entre el pelo largo y la alta cuna era antigua y estaba presente en sociedades distintas de la Galia merovingia. En Irlanda, por ejemplo, el pelo cortado denotaba a un sirviente o esclavo. Tácito había notado la importancia del cabello largo en la sociedad germánica primitiva, comentando que era el signo de los hombres libres. El color del cabello también tenía un significado social. En la epopeya irlandesa, Tain bo Cuailnge, El rey Conchobar tiene el cabello dorado que se asocia con la realeza, mientras que el cabello castaño y negro también se atribuye a los caciques y héroes. La asociación del cabello largo con una clase guerrera poseía una fuerte validación bíblica en la historia de Sansón en Jueces 16:17. El cabello largo denota fuerza y ​​virilidad. En las mujeres, además, representó fertilidad. Dado que el cabello largo era parte de la insignia social de una aristocracia guerrera, estaba protegido por la ley. En los códigos legales de los alamanes, frisones, lombardos y anglosajones, el corte de cabello conllevaba sanciones. Según las Leyes del Rey Alfredo, cualquiera que le cortara la barba a un hombre tenía que pagar una indemnización de 20 chelines, y en Landfried de 1152 de Frederick Barbarroja, estaba prohibido agarrar a un hombre por la barba o arrancarle los cabellos. cabeza o barba. En el franco Pactus Legis Salicae, si un puer crinitus (niño de pelo largo) fue cortado sin el consentimiento de sus padres, se impuso la fuerte multa de cuarenta y cinco solidi, mientras que entre los borgoñones hubo fuertes multas por cortar el cabello a una mujer libre.

Las barbas se percibían como un signo de masculinidad, que separaba a los hombres de los niños. Según el historiador anglo-normando, Orderic Vitalis, Guillermo el Conquistador se quejó de que tenía que defender Normandía `` sin barba '', refiriéndose a la forma en que fue puesto a cargo de la defensa del ducado cuando aún era un niño. Una función particularmente antigua del tratamiento del cabello era la forma en que denotaba etnia y, por lo tanto, podía usarse para distinguir diferentes grupos étnicos. Tácito pensaba que los suevos se caracterizaban por su característico cabello enredado. Otros grupos como los lombardos y los frisones recibieron su nombre de su particular moda para peinar la barba o el cabello. Los bizantinos, por ejemplo, comentaron cómo los ávaros "llevaban el pelo muy largo en la espalda, atado con bandas y trenzado". Tanto el gran eclesiástico español del siglo VI, Isidoro de Sevilla, autor de las Etimologías, una concisa enciclopedia de la cultura clásica, como Pablo el diácono, el historiador de los lombardos, derivaron el nombre lombardo del alemán Langbarte o barba larga. Gregory of Tours relata cómo, en 590, la reina Fredegund ordenó al ejército de los sajones en la zona de Bayeux que atacara a un duque franco, pero que se disfrazaran de bretones cortándose el pelo a la manera bretona y vistiendo ropa bretona. La Gesta Regum de William of Malmesbury distinguió a los sajones de los normandos en la época de la conquista normanda por referencia a las diferencias entre los peinados de los dos grupos étnicos. Justo antes de la invasión normanda de Inglaterra, Harold envió algunos espías que informaron que todos los soldados normandos eran sacerdotes. porque tienen todo el rostro, con ambos labios, afeitado, mientras que los ingleses dejaron el labio superior sin cortar, con los pelos floreciendo sin cesar. William estaba escribiendo en el siglo XII, pero su evidencia es confirmada por el Tapiz de Bayeux que muestra a casi todos los soldados normandos bien afeitados y los soldados anglosajones con largos bigotes.

El tratamiento capilar también podría usarse para denotar categorías de edad, como ya hemos visto con respecto a la posesión de barbas. Uno de los ritos de iniciación más característicos de la primera época medieval Wrest fue el ritual de corte de cabello para marcar la transición de infante a muy joven. Estas antiguas ceremonias conocidas como barbato rica creó un vínculo espiritual entre el cortador y el corte. A finales de la década de 730, el alcalde carolingio del palacio, Charles Martel, envió a su hijo Pippin al rey lombardo Liutprand para que el rey pudiera cortarle el pelo al niño y, por tanto, convertirse en su padre. La importancia de semejante parentesco ficticio también es evidente en la historia que rodea a la ascendencia de Miesko, el primer gobernante cristiano de Polonia, cuyo padre, Semovith, se sometió a un corte de pelo ritual a manos de dos extraños durante una fiesta de borrachos en la que se rellenó un barril de cerveza. milagrosamente. El establecimiento de los extraños como patrocinadores de Semovith marcó la fundación de una nueva dinastía cuando Semovith expulsó al ex duque y se nombró a sí mismo en su lugar. Al igual que con la aparición de los carolingios, el cabello era un tema sobre el que se podía construir el resultado de la política dinástica. El corte de cabello también podría servir como un marcador de diferencia sexual. Sobre la base de las palabras de San Pablo en I Corintios 11: 4, el cabello largo se consideraba una gloria para una mujer siempre que lo mantuviera cubierto en público, mientras que el cabello más corto se consideraba más apropiado para los hombres. Los romanos habían valorado el pelo corto. Todos los hombres romanos de poder y de pie llevaban el pelo corto, una señal de que estaba bajo control. Los emperadores del siglo IV generaron una imagen pública bien afeitada. El cabello largo, la peluquería y el vello facial se consideraban característicos de las mujeres y los bárbaros. Los aristócratas se acusaron unos a otros de parecer rameras por la forma en que llevaban el pelo. El emperador Juliano el Apóstata (r. 361-363) sorprendió a los observadores menos por sus intentos de restaurar a los dioses antiguos que por su barba. Así escribió el Misopogon o Beard Hater en el que criticaba a los antioquenos bien afeitados que se habían burlado de su larga barba y su cabello descuidado.

Mientras que el período comprendido entre la caída del Imperio Romano y el surgimiento del Imperio Carolingio parece haber estado dominado por una actitud tolerante, y de hecho alentadora, hacia el vello facial y la barba, el período carolingio y el posterior mundo europeo posmilenial vieron el cambio. desarrollo de una hostilidad hacia el cabello largo y lo consideró un tema caracterizado por el escándalo. En el siglo VIII, Beda había escrito eso '. la barba, que es una marca del sexo masculino y de la edad, se suele poner como una indicación de virtud ». Sin embargo, el miércoles de ceniza de 1094, el arzobispo Anselmo de Canterbury se negó a dar cenizas o su bendición a los hombres que "se dejaban crecer el pelo como niñas". En Rouen, en 1096, un concilio de la iglesia decretó "que nadie debería dejarse crecer el pelo sino cortárselo como cristiano".

Tanto William de Malmesbury como Orderic Vitalis asociaron el cabello largo de la corte de William Rufus con el escándalo moral. Orderic escribió cómo:

Ahora casi todos nuestros compatriotas están locos y usan barbas pequeñas, proclamando abiertamente con tal señal que se deleitan en deseos inmundos como cabras apestosas.

En Carentan, Normandía, el arzobispo de Seez reprendió a Enrique I y sus cortesanos por su largo cabello, sacó unas tijeras y se las cortó en el acto. Guillermo de Malmesbury fue particularmente vituperador sobre los aristócratas con cabellos sueltos. Para él, el pelo largo era un signo de homosexualidad y decadencia. Hacía a los hombres afeminados y difuminaba las diferencias entre los sexos. Contó una historia moral sobre cómo un caballero que se gloriaba en su cabello exuberante soñó que se ahogaba con sus propios mechones y, posteriormente, rápidamente difundió la noticia de que los cortes de cabello eran necesarios en toda Inglaterra. William estaba tan preocupado por la decadencia representada por el cabello largo que incluso lo culpó de la conquista normanda con el argumento de que llevó a los hombres que deberían haber defendido vociferantemente su reino a comportarse no mejor que las mujeres.

Otros tenían razones más prácticas para no gustarle el cabello largo. El obispo Ernulf de Rochester (1114-24) comentó cómo los hombres con barbas largas a menudo sumergían el cabello en líquido cuando bebían de una taza. La retórica de los escritores monásticos identificaba así el cabello largo con la juventud, la decadencia y la corte. Sin embargo, es difícil trazar una línea clara y firme entre una tolerancia anterior al cabello largo y un disgusto gradual por su cultivo. Un decreto imperial de 390, por ejemplo, prohibió a las mujeres cortarse el cabello y amenazó a un obispo que permitiera que una mujer así ingresara a una iglesia con una deposición, mientras que el Concilio de Agde en 506 dijo que los clérigos que permitieran que su cabello creciera largo que lo corte el archidiácono. El monje irlandés Columbanus del siglo VI, que fundó una serie de monasterios en la Galia, prescribió penitencia para los diáconos que se negaran a cortarse la barba.

Un área en la que se consideraba que el tratamiento del cabello denotaba diferencias de sexo era el del duelo por los muertos. El ritual público de duelo que implicaba exhibiciones emocionales y arrancarse el cabello era comúnmente visto como un asunto de mujeres. Los hombres, sin embargo, no eran inmunes a tal actividad como es evidente en la historia del posterior rey merovingio, Dagoberto III (muerto en 715), quien, después de una aterradora visión nocturna, fue encontrado a la mañana siguiente con cortarse las largas uñas y cortarse las uñas. luego se quedó en su dormitorio ordenando que le cortaran el pelo. Sin embargo, según Tácito, eran las mujeres las que se lamentaban, ya fuera arrancándose el cabello o soltándolo hasta el punto de convertirse en algo habitual en los funerales. Reginald de Durham, un escritor del siglo XII sobre la vida de los santos, describe cómo después de que un joven resultó herido y presuntamente muerto, tanto hombres como mujeres lloraron entre lágrimas y lamentos, pero solo las mujeres se soltaron el pelo en lamentos. El autor del siglo IX, Agnellus de Ravenna, mientras tanto, describe las multitudes de mujeres que se presentaron en las ceremonias fúnebres en la ciudad donde él era arzobispo. El comportamiento extravagante de las mujeres en los funerales llegó a ser tan grande que en el siglo XIII, las comunas italianas aprobaron una legislación restrictiva contra las prácticas funerarias en un intento de reducir las multitudes en los funerales y restaurar el orden social.

El contrario eclesiástico al cultivo aristocrático del cabello largo estaba en la tonsura monástica. Según Beda, la tonsura separaba al clérigo del laico. Más que vestimenta, era la insignia distintiva de quienes habían ingresado a la profesión clerical. De Beda Historia eclesiástica del pueblo inglés conserva una carta que se dice que fue escrita por Ceolfrid, el abad de su propio monasterio, Wearmouth-Jarrow, a Nechtan, el rey de los pictos que, además de comentar la enseñanza de la Iglesia romana con respecto al cálculo de la Pascua , hizo algunos comentarios notables sobre la tonsura. Aunque reconocía que había variaciones en el estilo de la tonsura adoptada por los clérigos, la carta recomendaba el cultivo de la tonsura petrina, que tomaba la forma de una corona a imitación de la corona de espinas de Cristo, en lugar de la tonsura asociada con Simón el Mago, que todavía era usado por algunos en la Iglesia Irlandesa, y que dejaba un flequillo en la parte delantera de la cabeza. Las primeras discusiones sobre el simbolismo de la tonsura no hacen referencia a la corona, pero Isidoro de Sevilla notó cómo la corona era un símbolo de la autoridad del sacerdote, recordando la tiara de los sacerdotes hebreos. Isidoro estableció el significado simbólico de la tonsura asociándola con un ritual de renuncia que la veía como un pacto hecho con Dios. Según Isidoro, la tonsura de los sacerdotes era visible en sus cuerpos pero tenía su efecto en sus almas:

Con este signo, se cortan los vicios en la religión y nos despojamos de los crímenes del cuerpo como pelos. Esta renovación tiene lugar apropiadamente en la mente, pero se muestra en la cabeza donde se sabe que reside la mente.

La ceremonia de la tonsura logró un ritual de separación de la comunidad. Se erigió como un símbolo de renuncia, no solo porque significaba vergüenza y humildad, sino también porque era una negación del estatus libre que había sido el derecho de nacimiento de la mayoría de los clérigos, y debía ser seguido por un estilo de vida que era una negación de la libertad. las normas de la sociedad laica. El acto de tonsura convirtió al clérigo en un forastero. Sin embargo, a diferencia del tonsurado forzoso de los gobernantes merovingios depuestos, el clérigo aceptó esta insignia de la vergüenza voluntariamente. Pero al igual que la coacción de los reyes de pelo largo, el cultivo del pelo corto a través de la tonsura llevaba consigo una resonancia política.

Bede was bothered about the Irish sporting the tonsure associated with Simon Magus on the grounds that it separated them from the Roman Church, along with the fact that they calculated Easter in a different manner. The decision taken by the Northumbrian Church at the Synod of Whitby in 664 to follow Roman practice over the calculation of Easter and over the tonsure, was thus a sign of public allegiance to the world of Rome. The Spanish Church had recognised the value of the tonsure in the form of the corona at the fourth council of Toledo in 633 where it was decreed that `all clerics must shave the whole front part of the hair, leaving only a circular crown on the back'. The idea, however, had clearly spread earlier since Gregory of Tours's uncle Nicetius was reputed to have been born with his hair growing in a circle on top of his head, revealing from birth that he was intended for the episcopate

Whereas ecclesiastical legislation might prescribe short hair as an essential sign of clerical status, ambiguities about hair treatment remained even in the tighter moral world of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The custom of clerical shaving was less universal than some writers in the Western Church implied, although reformers in the eleventh century sought to enforce the canonical decrees on this and other matters, as was evident in Pope Gregory VII's order that the shaving of beards was a distinctive mark of the clerical order in society. Many clerics, however, still let their beards grow in times of fast and did not shave when travelling. Canonical rules were thus widely disregarded.

There was no single standard with regard to shaving in religious communities. Whereas the monks at St Augustine's, Canterbury, between 1090 and 1120 are depicted as beardless, those at Mont-St-Michel in the second half of the twelfth century are shown with beards. Hermits, anchorites, recluses and ascetics commonly did not shave and their reputation for unshaven holiness was parodied in the remark made by Bishop Eugenius of Toledo in the seventh century that `If a beard makes a saint, nothing is more saintly than a goat'. Moreover, despite the denunciation of long hair by writers such as William of Malmesbury, many rulers began actively to cultivate beards. The historian Percy Ernst Schramm noted how the full beard appears in iconographical representations of rulership at the turn of the millennium. Towards the end of their reigns, the rulers of Germany, Otto I and Otto II, had beards. These iconographical sources are, however, at variance with written sources which refer to laymen who cut off their beards to become monks. One such was the ninth-century Carolingian count, Gerald of Aurillac, who shaved his beard to live like a monk. Since he was a layman, however, Gerald was caught between the world of aristocratic mores and the secluded world of clerics:

He cut his beard as though it were a nuisance, and since his hairs flowed down from the back of his head, he hid the crown on top, which he also covered with a cap.

On October 14th, 680, Wamba, the Visigothic King of Spain, fell unconscious in his palace at Toledo. Julian, the Archbishop of Toledo, was called by the courtiers who feared that the King was near death. He cut Wamba's hair and clothed him in a monastic habit. Emerging from his coma, the king discovered that he had become a monk and could not resume royal office since the law of the Church enshrined in the Council of Chalcedon of 451 decreed that `those that have become clerics or who have entered a monastery should neither enter the army nor take on secular honours'. Wamba therefore signed documents attesting his acceptance of clerical status and named one of his nobles, Erwig, as his successor. The forcible tonsure of kings was known in all the pre-Carolingian barbarian kingdoms of Western Europe but, like the issues of tonsuring and clerical beards, it was characterised by ambiguity. Although the hair of secular rulers could be cut off, it could also grow back. The Merovingian ruler Childeric I dealt with his rebellious son, Merovech, by tonsuring him and throwing him into a monastery but Meroverh soon escaped and fled to Tours.

King Theuderic III was tonsured but grew his hair again and regained power. The Mayor of the Palace, Ebroin was stripped of his power, tonsured and thrown into a monastery at Luxeuil in Burgundy. He waited for his hair to grow back before gathering an army and attempting to regain control in Francia. Similarly, in AngloSaxon England, King Ceolwulf of Northumbria was tonsured and thrown into the monastery at Lindisfarne only to return as king. In 737, however, he was tonsured again at his own request, abdicated as king and entered the monastery voluntarily. Having decided to take the tonsure, he would thus be compelled to keep his hair short. He had no need to grow it since, like Wamba, he was now a monk and no longer a king. In the early Middle Ages, the language of hair treatment was open to as many interpretations as the treatment of hair itself. What is clear is that hair and its appearance mattered in both secular and clerical society. Men may have lived by the sword but they could metaphorically die by the scissors. Childeric III knew that when the Carolingians bore the scissors his days were numbered. It only took one bad hair day to turn his fear into living panic.


Francia

The French word for knight is Caballero. A female knight in her own right is a Chevalière, The wife of a Chevalier is a Chevaleresse. French knights are nobles. The French system can be confusing, because Chevalier is both a rank and a title. Most French knights were members of orders of chivalry, so they had the title chevalier but they held the lower rank of ಜuyer (Esquire). For more information, see Wikipedia, French nobility: Titles, peerage, and orders.

  • For a knight: Jean de Rochefort, chevalier (the title is a suffix)
  • For a knight’s wife: no special form
  • For a knight’s children: no special form

Contenido

Historical background Edit

Neither Greek nor Latin had a word corresponding to modern-day "family". The Latin familia must be translated to "household" rather than "family". [1] The aristocratic household of ancient Rome was similar to that of medieval Europe, in that it consisted – in addition to the paterfamilias, his wife and children – of a number of clients (clientes), or dependents of the lord who would attend upon him, counsel him and receive rewards. Where it differed from its medieval equivalent was in the use of slaves rather than paid servants for the performance of menial tasks. [2] Another difference was that, due to the relative security and peacefulness within the borders of the Roman Empire, there was little need for fortification. The aristocratic household of medieval Europe, on the other hand, was as much a military as a socio-economic unit, and from the 9th century onwards the ideal residence was the castle. [3] [4]

Composición Editar

As a result of the military nature of the medieval noble household, its composition was predominately male. Towards the end of the medieval period the ratio levelled out somewhat, but at an earlier date the feminine element of the household consisted only of the lady and her daughters, their attendants, and perhaps a few domestics to perform particular tasks such as washing. [5] Many of the male servants were purely military personnel there would be a gatekeeper, as well as various numbers of knights and esquires to garrison the castle as a military unit. [6] [7] Yet many of these would also serve other functions, and there would be servants entirely devoted to domestic tasks. At the lower level, these were simply local men recruited from the localities. The higher level positions – in particular those attending on the lord – were often filled by men of rank: sons of the lord's relatives, or his retainers. [8]

The presence of servants of noble birth imposed a social hierarchy on the household that went parallel to the hierarchy dictated by function. [9] This second hierarchy had at its top the steward (alternatively seneschal o majordomo), who had the overriding responsibility for the domestic affairs of the household. [10] Taking care of the personal wellbeing of the lord and his family were the Chamberlain, who was responsible for the chamber or private living-quarters, and the Master of the Wardrobe, who had the main responsibility for clothing and other domestic items. [10]

Of roughly equal authority as the steward was the marshal. This officer had the militarily vital responsibility for the stables and horses of the household (the "marshalsea"), and was also in charge of discipline. [11] The marshal, and other higher-ranking servants, would have assistants helping them perform their tasks. These – called valets de chambre, grooms or pages, ranking from top to bottom in that order – were most often young boys, [12] although in the larger royal courts the valet de chambres included both young noble courtiers, and often artists, musicians and other specialists who might be of international repute. Assigning these the office of valet was a way of regularising their position within the household.

One of the most important functions of the medieval household was the procuration, storage and preparation of food. This consisted both in feeding the occupants of the residence on a daily basis, and in preparing larger feasts for guests, to maintain the status of the lord. The kitchen was divided into a pantry (for bread, cheese and napery) and a buttery (for wine, ale and beer). These offices were headed by a pantler and a butler respectively. [9] Depending on the size and wealth of the household, these offices would then be subdivided further. The following is a list of some of the offices one could expect to find in a large medieval aristocratic or royal household:

In addition to these offices there was a need for servants to take care of the hunting animals. The master huntsman, or the veneur, held a central position in greater noble households. [15] Likewise, the master falconer was a high-ranking officer, often of noble birth himself. [16] There were spiritual needs to be cared for, and a chapel was a natural part of every large household. [17] These household chapels would be staffed by varying numbers of clerics. The chaplains, confessors and almoners could serve in administrative capacities as well as the religious ones. [18]

Noble households Edit

The households of medieval kings were in many ways simply aristocratic households on a larger scale: as the Burgundian court chronicler Georges Chastellain observed of the splendidly ordered court of the dukes of Burgundy, "after the deeds and exploits of war, which are claims to glory, the household is the first thing that strikes the eye, and which it is, therefore, most necessary to conduct and arrange well." [19] In some ways though, they were essentially different. One major difference was the way in which royal household officials were largely responsible for the governance of the realm, as well as the administration of the household. [20]

The 11th century Capetian kings of France, for instance, "ruled through royal officers who were in many respects indistinguishable from their household officers." [21] These officers – primarily the seneschal, constable, butler, chamberlain and chancellor [21] – would naturally gain extensive powers, and could exploit this power for social advancement. One example of this is the Carolingians of France, who rose from the position of royal stewards – the Mayors of the Palace – to become kings in their own right. [22] It was the father of Charlemagne, Pepin the Short, who gained control of government from the enfeebled Merovingian king Childeric III. [a] Another example can be found in the royal House of Stuart in Scotland, whose family name bore witness to their background of service. [23]

Eventually the central positions of the royal household became little else than honorary titles bestowed upon the greatest families, and not necessarily even dependent on attendance at court. In Flanders, by the thirteenth century, the offices of constable, butler, steward and chamberlain had become the hereditary right of certain high noble families, and held no political significance. [24]

Finally, the royal household differed from most noble households in the size of their military element. If a king was able to muster a substantial force of household knights, this would reduce his dependence on the military service of his subjects. This was the case with Richard II of England, whose one-sided dependence on his household knights – mostly recruited from the county of Cheshire – made him unpopular with his nobility and eventually contributed to his downfall. [25]

In England, the semi-royal household of Edward of Carnarvon, later Edward II when Prince of Wales, is the earliest for which detailed knowledge can be obtained from sources. [26]

Itineration Edit

The medieval aristocratic household was not fixed to one location, but could be more or less permanently on the move. Greater nobles would have estates scattered over large geographical areas, and to maintain proper control of all their possessions it was important to physically inspect the localities on a regular basis. As the master of the horses, travel was the responsibility of the marshal. Everything in the noble household was designed for travel, so that the lord could enjoy the same luxury wherever he went. [27]

Particularly for kings, itineration was a vital part of governance, and in many cases kings would rely on the hospitality of their subjects for maintenance while on the road. This could be a costly affair for the localities visited there was not only the large royal household to cater for, but also the entire royal administration. [28] It was only towards the end of the medieval period, when means of communication improved, that households, both noble and royal, became more permanently attached to one residence. [29]

Regional variations Edit

The aristocratic society centered on the castle originated, as much of medieval culture in general, in Carolingian France, and from there spread over most of Western Europe. [3] In other parts of Europe, the situation was different. On the northern and western fringes of the continent, society was kin-based rather than feudal, and households were organised correspondingly. [30]

In Ireland, the basis for social organisation was the "sept", a clan that could comprise as many as 250 households, or 1250 individuals, all somehow related. [31] In Viking-age Scandinavia, housing arrangements were more humble than those of contemporary France or England, but also here the greater lords would own grand halls wherein they might entertain large numbers of guests. [32]

In the Byzantine Empire, slaves were employed until the end of the Empire, as were eunuchs. [33] Little is known of the living arrangements of the Byzantines, as very few buildings remain. From historical and architectural evidence it is known that, even though castles were rare, the wealthy lived in palaces of varying magnitude, with chapels and gardens, and rich decorations of mosaics and frescoes. [34]

Rural Edit

The households of medieval peasant families were naturally smaller than those of the aristocracy, and as such resembled modern households more. The patterns of marriage fluctuated greatly over the course of the Middle Ages. Even though most of the available evidence concerns the higher classes, and the source material for southern Europe is richer than for the rest, it is still possible to make some rough generalisations. [35] It seems clear that the average age of marriage during the Early Middle Ages was comparatively high, in the early twenties, and quite equal for men and women. The reason for this can be found in traditions brought forward from the Germanic tribes, but equally in the fact that habitation was confined to small areas, a factor that enforced restrictions on population growth. [36] [37] [38]

As more land was won for cultivation, this trend changed. During the High and Late Middle Ages, women were increasingly married away in their teens, leading to higher birth rates. [39] While women would be married once they reached reproductive age, men had to possess independent means of sustenance – to be able to provide for a family – before entering into marriage. [40] For this reason, the average age of marriage for men remained high, in the mid- to late twenties. [41]

Even though peasant households were significantly smaller than aristocratic ones, the wealthiest of these would also employ servants. [42] Service was a natural part of the cycle of life, and it was common for young people to spend some years away from home in the service of another household. [43] This way they would learn the skills needed later in life, and at the same time earn a wage. This was particularly useful for girls, who could put the earnings towards their dowry. [44]

The houses of medieval peasants were of poor quality compared to modern houses. The floor was normally of earth, and there was very little ventilation or sources of light in the form of windows. In addition to the human inhabitants, a number of livestock animals would also reside in the house. [42] Towards the end of the medieval period, however, conditions generally improved. Peasant houses became larger in size, and it became more common to have two rooms, and even a second floor. [45]

Urban Edit

The medieval world was a much less urban society than either the Roman Empire or the modern world. The fall of the Roman Empire had caused a catastrophic de-population of the towns and cities that had existed within the Empire. Between the 10th and 12th centuries, however, a revival of the European city occurred, with an increase in the urbanisation of society. [46]

The practice of sending children away to act as servants was even more common in towns than in the countryside. [43] The inhabitants of towns largely made their livelihood as merchants or artisans, and this activity was strictly controlled by guilds. The members of these guilds would in turn employ young people – primarily boys – as apprentices, to learn the craft and later take a position as guild members themselves. [b] These apprentices made up part of the household – or "family" – as much as the children of the master. [47]

Towards the end of the Middle Ages, the functions and composition of households started to change. This was due primarily to two factors. First of all, the introduction of gunpowder to the field of warfare rendered the castle a less effective defence, and did away with the military function of the household. [48] The result was a household more focused on comfort and luxury, and with a significantly larger proportion of women. [49]

The second factor that brought about change was the early modern ascendancy of the individual, and focus on privacy. [c] Already in the later Middle Ages castles had begun to incorporate an increasing number of private chambers, for the use both of the lord and of his servants. [50] Once the castle was discarded to the benefit of palaces or stately homes, this tendency was reinforced. This did not mean an end to the employment of domestic servants, or even in all cases a reduction in household staff. What it did mean, however, was a realignment whereby the family – in a genealogical sense – became the cornerstone of the household. [51]

una. ^ The chronicler Einhard sardonically wrote: "Pepin the Short, the father of Charlemagne, held the office for some years, under, if that is the word, King Childeric III. " [52]

B. ^ It should be mentioned that many – if not most – of these apprentices never achieved guild membership for themselves, but ended up spending their whole life as wage laborers. [53]

C. ^ The idea of the invention of the individual in Renaissance Italy is primarily associated with Jacob Burckhardt. [54] In spite of later criticism, this thesis is still highly influential. [55]


What did a lord do in medieval times?

People of the Edad media. A king (or lord) ruled large areas of land. To protect his land from invasion, the king gave parts of it to local lords, who were called vassals. In return, his vassals promised to fight to defend the king's land.

Also, what was the daily life of a lord in the Middle Ages? A day in the life of a medieval lord

Amanecer Hear Mass, followed by a breakfast of white bread and wine.
After supper Listen to the news and stories brought by a travelling minstrel, or just sit and talk.
Bedtime When the lord decided he wished to go to bed, the household would have a light supper, say prayers and go to sleep.

In this regard, what did lords and ladies do in medieval times?

Kings, Lords, Ladies, Knights. En medieval times, most of the people were peasants, farmers who worked all the time just to grow food. los lord was expected to pay taxes to the king and provide soldiers when needed. Para hacer that, the lord was given absolute power over his fief.

What are the duties of a lord?

Under the feudal contract, the lord had the deber to provide the fief for his vassal, to protect him, and to do him justice in his court. In return, the lord had the right to demand the services attached to the fief (military, judicial, administrative) and a right to various &ldquoincomes&rdquo known as feudal incidents.


The Medieval Period - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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presentations for free. Or use it to find and download high-quality how-to PowerPoint ppt presentations with illustrated or animated slides that will teach you how to do something new, also for free. Or use it to upload your own PowerPoint slides so you can share them with your teachers, class, students, bosses, employees, customers, potential investors or the world. Or use it to create really cool photo slideshows - with 2D and 3D transitions, animation, and your choice of music - that you can share with your Facebook friends or Google+ circles. That's all free as well!


The true history of lying

Pulled from the latest headlines: “Mayor Caught in a Lie!” “Did Wall Street Lies Create Financial Downfall?” “Web of Lies Led to Murder of Husband!” “‘I Lied My Way to the Top’ Fake Harvard Grad Confesses!” Studies reveal that each and every one of us lies every few minutes, that lying has reached epidemic proportions threatening the very foundations of society, corroding our civil discourse, warping our politics.

Is lying more prevalent now than in the past, more insidious? There are more people in the world than ever before, so odds are good more lies are told than ever before. Television and the internet make it easier than ever to broadcast what we say to untold millions, billions, and given that so much of what we say is false and deceptive, no doubt whatever lies we tell fall on unprecedented numbers of innocent ears. Perhaps things are worse than ever before, that lies will be the end of us.

Historical perspective is always a useful thing and if history tells us anything about lying it tells us that people have always thought there was too much of it and however much of it there was, there was always more of it now than there had ever been before. The 12th-century English courtier and future Bishop of Chartres, John of Salisbury, feared no time had ever been so dangerous for men of honest virtue. According to John, the royal and ecclesiastical courts of Europe teemed with every sort of deceiver and falsifier, with timeservers and wheedlers, gift-givers, actors, mimics, procurers and gossipmongers. The only thing that surpassed their variety was their number “for the foul inundation of their cancerous disease seeps into all so that there is rarely anyone left uncontaminated”.

Long before John, scripture had already warned that “every man is a liar” and after John, throughout the Middle Ages, into and beyond the Renaissance, few people would deny that the problem of lies had reached never-before-witnessed proportions. Writing late in the 16th century, the French skeptic Pierre Charron asked his readers to “observe how all mankind are made up of falsehood and deceit, of tricks and lies, how unfaithful and dangerous, how full of disguise and design all conversation is at present become, but especially, how much more it abounds near [the prince], and how manifestly hypocrisy and dissimulation are the reigning qualities of princes’ courts.”

Until the French Revolution, the problem of lying and hypocrisy often seemed to be experienced most keenly in the courts of the European elite, those hybrid spaces, both public and private, political and domestic, in which eager bureaucrats and all manner of hangers-on sought their fortunes. A zero sum game, fortune hunting required the self-serving courtier to deceive and slander his competitors, to fawn over and flatter his superiors.

A difficult balance to keep. As the English Renaissance writer Nathaniel Walker noted in The Refin’d Courtier, it was a matter of learning how to “demean ourselves acceptably” before our superiors, without appearing willing “to lick the very spittle from under their feet.” In a place seemingly constructed to promote lying and flattery, a breeding ground for plots, conspiracies and coups, in which every friendly face might well conceal devious designs, how should a person respond? Is it acceptable to fight fire with fire, to lie to the liars? Again and again courtiers asked, is it ever acceptable to lie? and again and again they answered, Yes.

Actually, people rarely came out in whole-hearted favour of lies. Almost to a person, medieval and Renaissance writers condemned lies as vile and pernicious. There was tradition behind this opinion. The early fifth-century bishop Augustine had argued that every lie was a sin and every sin must be avoided. No good can come from evil, and even lies told with the best of intentions are sins nonetheless. Augustine’s definition would be repeated incessantly throughout the ensuing centuries, repeated so frequently that historians have too often argued that we can distinguish the Middle Ages from the Renaissance in terms of how people thought about lies. During the Middle Ages, so this story goes, every lie was prohibited (which is different than claiming no one lied – we always have and always will do all sorts of things we shouldn’t), whereas in the Renaissance people became a bit more realistic about what it takes to get on in the world.

But this is simply not the case. John of Salisbury thought there was nothing for it but for the virtuous man to lie to accomplish the good and to protect himself from the evil schemers that everywhere surround him. Christine de Pizan, often thought to be Europe’s first professional writer, had similar thoughts about princesses and noblewomen. The princess should never lie, true, but she must also do her best to maintain peaceful relations with her husband and the other members of the court, between the court and the commoners. When lies are needed to secure these worthy ends, then lie she must.

A sad truth supported this rather pragmatic line of ethical thinking. We live in a fallen and corrupt world, a world so morally adrift and complicated, knotted and entangled, that there are few, perhaps no, moral certainties, and all too many situations in which we will have no choice but to sin to avoid greater sins.

We need moral principles to guide our actions, but principles can conflict with one another, the demand that we be truthful in all our actions may run afoul the demand that we always act with charity towards others. In other words, courtly proponents of mendacity were, more often than not, skeptics and probabilists, finding refuge not in Aristotle’s ethics, but in Cicero’s rhetoric. Like a skilled orator, we must adjust our words and actions to the moment, to the circumstances. Depending upon the circumstances, even the most secure of moral principles may have to give way to others.

The seed of a new idea lay buried within these defences of courtly deceit, slowly germinating, growing and supplanting long-standing ideas about lies. Medieval writers like John and Christine argued that we must sometimes lie to protect ourselves, to protect the state. Theologians disagreed. Civil society, they argued, depends upon the assumption that we deal truthfully and honestly with each other. If we were to deem some lies acceptable, how could we ever trust anyone, trust that, even as you sign this contract, make this promise, you have not secretly judged this to be a moment of permissible mendacity?

This account of social harmony in no way matched the experience of the members of the European courts, neither in the Middle Ages, nor in the Renaissance. From their vantage point, lies seemed very much like the very substance of social cohesion. We lie to protect ourselves and to advance ourselves. We lie to avoid conflict and simply to grease the wheels of social interaction.

“The gentleman courtier is not subject to himself,” wrote Philibert de Vienne in his mid-sixteenth-century satire, The Philosopher of the Court, “if it is necessary to laugh, he laughs, if it is necessary to grieve, he cries, if it is necessary to eat, he eats, and if it is necessary to fast, he fasts.”

He says and does whatever the moment requires, regardless of how he feels or what he thinks. Medieval and early modern courtiers labelled this sort of sycophancy flattery, considered it little more than base mendacity, condemned it roundly, and recommended its practice absolutely. In his Renaissance bestseller, Civil Conversation, Stefano Guazo writes, “The world is full of and subsists by flattery, which is more in fashion than peeked beards and large ruffs. You see how all persons for the sake of peace, and to avoid contention, and that they may appear agreeable in company, comport themselves in the best manner they can to other men’s talk and behavior.” Without lies, they realised, society would fall apart.

So the next time we hear some pundit railing against lying politicians or read some study about the newfound prominence of lying in modern society, maybe we should look between the lines. Rather than worry about the fact that everyone lies, we should concern ourselves with the reasons why we lie. We will always be liars, but that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t always ask ourselves when it is acceptable to lie and when it isn’t.

A History of Lying from the Garden of Eden to the Enlightenment by Dallas G Denery II is published on January 28th by Princeton University Press


Cold Opening [ edit | editar fuente]

Jorge - Congratulations, Mr. Bentley Raccoon.

Cyril - I can't believe you would turn my home into a cheap circus!

Bert - The fair looks dismal.

Pig 3 - You think we can get jobs at the fair?

Ralph - You sure you want to sneak that camera?

George/Nicole - Bentley!

(A black knight is charging toward the screen.)

Main Story [ edit | editar fuente]

(On a clear afternoon outside Bentley's house, Bentley outside on the steps watching the driveway, as the title "Medieval Fair!" appears for a few seconds and vanishes.)

Narrator - On a summer afternoon like this, most kids would play or have time with their parents. Of course, Bentley will be looking forward to something He wouldn’t expect. (Lisa comes out of the house.)

Lisa - Bentley? It’s almost lunch time. You’ve been looking at the driveway since Nine.

Bentley - I’m just waiting for the Mail Truck.

Lisa - Bentley, I normally get the mail— (A mail truck arrives at the driveway)

Bentley - Ah. Speak of the. I won’t say it. (The mail truck stops.)

Mailman (Ostrich) - Ah, Bentley. You’re early. (Gives seven envelopes to Him.)

Bentley - Thank You, Sir. (Walks in the house as Lisa follows.)

Lisa - So, why were you looking forward to getting the mail today?

Bentley - Well, today is the day when tickets are delivered to the winners of the Evergreen Medieval Fair’s raffle. ten winners can bring their families.

Lisa - Bentley, winning a raffle like that is difficult. (Bentley gives the mail to George.)

Jorge - Oh. Thanks, son. (Goes through the mail.) bill, bill, credit card, junk, junk— Huh? Bentley, There’s a letter for you. (Gives it to Bentley)

Bentley - Huh? (Reads the letter, then drops it.) I. I won. ¡Gané!

Nicole - Won what, son? (George picks up the letter and reads it.)

Jorge - “Congratulations, Mr. Bentley Raccoon You and your family have won tickets to this year’s Medieval Fair, this weekend. included, are seven Tickets to the fair for the best experience. Signed, the Evergreen Medieval Fair committee”?

Nicole - Wow! when is the fair?

Jorge - Uh. this Saturday at 10 AM.

Lisa - Wow. I guess I should have believed in You more, little brother.

Bentley - Don't worry, Lisa. You, Mom, and Dad can come along if You want. as for the three extra tickets. (Notices a sad George.) What's wrong, Dad?

Jorge - Huh? Oh, nothing's wrong, son. (Thinking) I wish I could tell Him, but I don’t want to disappoint Him.

(The screen blacks out and fades in the Raccoondominium, where Melissa is talking to Lisa on the phone.)

Melissa - Wow! Your brother won tickets to the medieval fair? He wants to invite us? Bueno. We’ll be right there. Where's that? Where the firecrackers are launched tonight? I'll tell Bert and Ralph about it. and thanks. (hangs up the phone.) Ralph? Bert? (Ralph and Bert come to the living room.) a medieval fair is coming to the forest, and Bentley won tickets to it.

Bert - Wow! That's great! Do You agree, Ralph? Ralph? (He sees Ralph sad.) Something wrong?

Ralph - Huh? Oh. I. don't know if I want to go.

Ralph - Well, We need a story for the Evergreen Standard--

Melissa - Ralph Raccoon, We haven't had any days off in months. Chances are, the Sneer Mansion could be where the fair will be.

Ralph - But-- (Melissa pulls Ralph off-screen) Whoa! (Bert looks at the screen and shrugs His shoulders.)

(The Scene changes to the Sneer Courtyard, where Cyril is arguing with Mr. Enfeoff the wolf.)

Cyril - Look, I said it before, and I'll say it again, my mansion is not an open house!!

Mr. Enfeoff- Mr. Sneer, listen to reason. Your mansion will be the centerpiece of the fair. (Cedric walks outside.) besides, the Evergreen Fairgrounds are already full up.

Cyril - One moment, Cedric. I told You, Mr. Enfeoff, I'm not letting You have your fair at my doorstep, and that's that!

Mr. Enfeoff  - Your loss, Mr. Sneer. (Leaves the property.)

Cedric - What were you arguing about, Pop?

Cyril - That flimflam attempted to have His fair on private property.

Cyril - Remember this one thing, Cedric. Fairs and tourist traps, do nothing but decrease house prices. And I’m not going to be the cause of other getting opportunities to acclaim monopolies here. But, I wonder. What will Mr. Enteoff do next?

(The scene changes to the Sneer Gardens, where the pigs are trimming the hedges)

Pig One - You know, trimming The hedges twice a week, can get boring.

Pig Two - Yes, it the locusts are hard to reason with!

Pig Three - And We’re not allowed to use any pesticide. (They hear a shaking of leaves.) What the?

(They see Mr. Enfeoff sneak under the bushes.)

Pig One - An intruder! (The pigs run toward Mr. Enfeoff.)

Mr. Enfeoff - Whoa! ¡Esperar! I only came to see this environment. It shows promise for My medieval fair.

Pigs Two and Three - Medieval Fair?

Mr. Enfeoff - Let me have the fair here, tell no one, and I’ll give you a good percentage of the ticket sales.

Pig One - You got a deal, Sir. (He shakes Mr Enfeoff’s paw. as the scene changes to the KNOX-TV station, inside an office, Mr. Knox is talking to George.)

Mr. Knox - I must admit, You’ve worked all night making additional episodes of Chef Surprise, Sir. Did something happen at home? Or maybe You’re wanting to win the employee of the year award?

Jorge - Well, neither. as a matter of fact.

Secretario - I thought I’d let you know that the site of this year’s medieval fair is decided.

Mr. Knox - I said no call— Did You say medieval fair? owned by that lowlife Enfeoff?

Mr. Knox - Sí. Ronald Enfeoff. He's an opportunistic bully. (the screen ripples to a young Mr. Knox reading a book.) When I was in school, I was ridiculed by that no-good cheat. (a young Enteoff whacks the book off a young Knox's hands, as the young wolf laughs.) No matter what I did, Enteoff would lie to avoid getting in trouble, and his bullying of Me would get worse. (Young Knox hides in a boiler room. seconds later young Enteoff pulled young Knox out of the room, and was about to slug Him, but his paw was grabbed by a goat janitor, who shakes his head.) fortunately, the Janitor who witnessed one incident, finally put a stop to it. (The screen ripples back to reality.) To this day, He had been plotting his revenge against me.

Jorge - I had no idea. That’s another reason not to go to the fair this Saturday.

Mr. Knox - Another reason?

(The scene changes to Ralph and Melissa.)

Melissa - What do you have against fairs, Ralph? Did something happen?

Ralph - Well, years ago, when Me and George were kids. (the scene ripples to Ralph and George at a younger age wearing medieval attire.) We went to our first medieval fair, and we had fun. Everything went well until.

Melissa - Until one or both of You we’re traumatized by a Dragon? (Young Ralph and Young George glare at the screen) Ha. Perdón.

Ralph - Actually, What happened was that the black knight lost control of his horse, and We were in his path. (a crash was heard) No one got hurt, but Me and George promised each other to never enter a medieval fair, ever again.


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